Wednesday, January 29, 2020

Compared....Locke and Hobbes Essay Example for Free

Compared.Locke and Hobbes Essay Locke and Hobbes were both social contract theorists, and both natural law theorists (Natural law in the sense of Saint Thomas Aquinas, not Natural law in the sense of Newton), but there the resemblance ends. All other natural law theorists assumed that man was by nature a social animal. Hobbes assumed otherwise, thus his conclusions are strikingly different from those of other natural law theorists. In addition to his unconventional conclusions about natural law, Hobbes was fairly infamous for producing numerous similarly unconventional results in physics and mathematics. The leading English mathematician of that era, in the pages of the Proceedings of the Royal Academy, called Hobbes a lunatic for his claim to have squared the circle. The Grolier encyclopedia contrasts Locke and Hobbes as follows: Locke’s considerable importance in political thought is better known. As the first systematic theorist of the philosophy of liberalism, Locke exercised enormous influence in both England and America. In his Two Treatises of Government (1690), Locke set forth the view that the state exists to preserve the natural rights of its citizens. When governments fail in that task, citizens have the right—and sometimes the duty—to withdraw their support and even to rebel. Locke opposed Thomas Hobbes’s view that the original state of nature was â€Å"nasty, brutish, and short,† and that individuals through a social contract surrendered—for the sake of self-preservation—their rights [ ] Locke addressed Hobbes’s claim that the state of nature was the state of war, though he attribute this claim to â€Å"some men† not to Hobbes. He refuted it by pointing to existing and real historical examples of people in a state of nature. For this purpose he regarded any people who are not subject to a common judge to resolve disputes, people who may legitimately take action to themselves punish wrong doers, as in a state of nature. Second treatise, Section 14 It is often asked as a mighty objection, where are, or ever were, there any men in such a state of Nature? To which it may suffice as an answer at present, that since all princes and rulers of â€Å"independent† governments all through the world are in a state of Nature, it is plain the world never was, nor never will be, without numbers of men in that state. I have named all governors of â€Å"independent† communities, whether they are, or are not, in league with others; for it is not every compact that puts an end to the state of Nature between men, but only this one of agreeing together mutually to enter into one community, and make one body politic; other promises and compacts men may make one with another, and yet still be in the state of Nature. The promises and bargains for truck, etc., between the two men in Soldania, in or between a Swiss and an Indian, in the woods of America, are binding to them, though they are perfectly in a state of Nature in reference to one another for truth, and keeping of faith belongs to men as men, and not as members of society. Second treatise, Section 17, 18, 19 And hence it is that he who attempts to get another man into his absolute power does thereby put himself into a state of war with him; it being to be understood as a declaration of a design upon his life. For I have reason to conclude that he who would get me into his power without my consent would use me as he pleased when he had got me there, and destroy me too when he had a fancy to it; for nobody can desire to have me in his absolute power unless it be to compel me by force to that which is against the right of my freedom- i. e. make me a slave. To be free from such force is the only security of my preservation, and reason bids me look on him as an enemy to my preservation who would take away that freedom which is the fence to it; so that he who makes an attempt to enslave me thereby puts himself into a state of war with me. He that in the state of Nature would take away the freedom that belongs to any one in that state must necessarily be supposed to have a design to take away everything else, that freedom being the foundation of all the rest; as he that in the state of society would take away the freedom belonging to those of that society or commonwealth must be supposed to design to take away from them everything else, and so be looked on as in a state of war. This makes it lawful for a man to kill a thief who has not in the least hurt him, nor declared any design upon his life, any farther than by the use of force, so to get him in his power as to take away his money, or what he pleases, from him; because using force, where he has no right to get me into his power, let his pretense be what it will, I have no reason to suppose that he who would take away my liberty would not, when he had me in his power, take away everything else. And, therefore, it is lawful for me to treat him as one who has put himself into a state of war with me- i. e. , kill him if I can; for to that hazard does he justly expose himself whoever introduces a state of war, and is aggressor in it. And here we have the plain difference between the state of Nature and the state of war, which however some men have confounded, are as far distant as a state of peace, goodwill, mutual assistance, and preservation; and a state of enmity, malice, violence and mutual destruction are one from another. Men living together according to reason without a common superior on earth, with authority to judge between them, is properly the state of Nature. But force, or a declared design of force upon the person of another, where there is no common superior on earth to appeal to for relief, is the state of war; and it is the want of such an appeal gives a man the right of war even against an aggressor, though he be in society and a fellow-subject. Thus, a thief whom I cannot harm, but by appeal to the law, for having stolen all that I am worth, I may kill when he sets on me to rob me but of my horse or coat, because the law, which was made for my preservation, where it cannot interpose to secure my life from present force, which if lost is capable of no reparation, permits me my own defense and the right of war, a liberty to kill the aggressor, because the aggressor allows not time to appeal to our common judge, nor the decision of the law, for remedy in a case where the mischief may be irreparable. Want of a common judge with authority puts all men in a state of Nature; force without right upon a manSRC=s person makes a state of war both where there is, and is not, a common judge. Hobbes, on the contrary, asserts that without subjection to a common power, men are necessarily at war: Hereby it is manifest, that during the time men live without a common Power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which is called Warre; and such a warre, as is of every man, against every man. In on this issue, and also on the meaning of civil society, Hobbes’s position is the same as the fascist position: Peace is actually war in disguise. This is why Hobbes argued that corporations should be suppressed and replaced by the direct exercise of state power. This is why Hitler thought that declaring war on America was merely a meaningless trivial symbol. It was not merely a symbol. Peace is not merely maneuvering preparatory to predatory attack. Unlike the communists and the fascists Hobbes had no specific concrete plan for suppressing competition and the pursuit of conflicting goals, and he might well have disapproved of the details of the fascists plans, but he clearly regarded their objectives as a desirable and popular part of any good state. Locke was the seventeenth century precursor of classic liberalism, and Hobbes was the seventeenth century precursor of modern totalitarianism, particularly fascism. Hobbes argued that what we today call civil society should exist only by the power of the state, and to the extent that it existed independent of the state, for example private associations, corporations, and political discussion, it should be suppressed. This measure is the distinctive characteristic of modern totalitarianism, both communist and fascist, though Hobbes’s reasoning in favor of this measure is fascist, rather than communist. Chapter 29 of Hobbes’s Leviathan: For men, as they become at last weary of irregular jostling and hewing one another, and desire with all their hearts to conform themselves into one firm and lasting edifice [ ] I observe the diseases of a Commonwealth that proceed from the poison of seditious doctrines, whereof one is that every private man is judge of good and evil actions. [ ] Another infirmity of a Commonwealth is the immoderate greatness of a town, when it is able to furnish out of its own circuit the number and expense of a great army; as also the great number of corporations, which are as it were many lesser Commonwealths in the bowels of a greater, like worms in the entrails of a natural man. To may be added, liberty of disputing against absolute power by pretenders to political prudence; which though bred for the most part in the lees of the people, yet animated by false doctrines are perpetually meddling with the fundamental laws, to the molestation of the Commonwealth, like the little worms which physicians call ascarides. Hobbes’s theory has far more in common with fascism, than it does with Locke’s theory. To say that they were both social contract theorists is like saying that Adam Smith believed in the labor theory of value and Karl Marx believed in the labor theory of value, therefor Smith was a Marxist or Marx was a Smithian. Locke’s social contract had as much in common with Hobbes’s social contract as Ricardo’s labor theory of value had with Marx’s labor theory of value. Fascism is largely corporatism, indeed many fascists argued that fascism simply was corporatism, that race theory was irrelevant. Certainly Mussolini and Franco held this view. Corporatism derives from â€Å"one body† (corpora=body), not from corporation. Same metaphor as Hobbes’s Leviathan, and the cover of Hobbes’s book, and, in the case of fascism, the same rationale. The race, the nation, the folk, or whatever, are to be welded into a single entity, by the application of whatever force necessary Hobbes favored unlimited power for the state, and he favored it for the purpose of ending all conflict and contention. He saw all non-state society as simply bad happenings that should be suppressed. If people go about their material lives freely they will come in conflict, and Hobbes regards it as the duty of the state to prevent such conflict. Locke argues that government is legitimate, but only legitimate in so far as it acts within the limits of this implied contract. Like any unwritten contract, it is not at all clear just what precisely the limits of Locke’s contract are, and Locke clearly considered that his contract could stretch a long way, but is equally clear that modern twentieth century governments are substantially breaking it, for the majority of disputes that an ordinary citizen finds himself involved in are disputes with the state, and in these disputes, for example with the IRS, the state acts as judge in its own cause, a clear violation of the Lockean contract. A state cannot be as large and intrusive as modern states are without finding it necessary to substantially violate Locke’s implied contract in many ways. Locke’s contract was for a judge. Hobbes’s contract was for a master. While in some situations the distinction between these two roles may be fuzzy, it is clear that vast majority of people today encounter the state in the role of master, rather than judge, thus the modern state is far more Hobbesian than Lockean, though it is still very far from the absolutist government that Hobbes commended. .

Tuesday, January 21, 2020

The Bull Market of Television and Bear Market Of Responsibility Essay

The Bull Market of Television and Bear Market Of Responsibility The inanimate, lifeless object consists of 10 feet of copper wiring, a hardwired main board, thousands of electrical switches and receivers, all compactly encased in 25 pounds of hardened plastic. This plastic box occupies minimal space, requires electrical energy just greater than a toaster, and can be purchased anywhere in America for under $100. It is more accessible, prevalent, and influential than any other person, place, event, or thing this world has every seen; and to many it acts as the present day Hitler carrying out genocide on America’s value system, societal fabric, and treasured democracy. Parent groups, conservative parties, and Christian coalitions decry its ubiquitous influence and demand reform from the syndicates. All about this box of wires camps crowds rise up to cast the first stones in the name of America, ignorant that the blood they spill is the very life of the capitalistic process that has come to epitomize the United States of America. Televis ion should not and does not have the responsibility of being the projector and champion of society’s ideal and sought after utopia. Like every other product or business that has come from the grove of America, it is a fruit of capitalism and exists solely and absolutely for revenue. To say this product is the arena for social reform and advancement corrodes the very ideal of free enterprise and this persecution is in itself an end to social reform and advancement. The deification of television places society’s failures and faults as television’s failures and faults. Critics condemn television for its violent tone, lack of equal ethnic representation, low moral values, manipulative ta... ...ssesses the nutritional substance of bubblegum. American’s have developed an insatiable appetite not for culture and fine art but for violent, sexual, graphic entertainment consumed like food, forgotten and replaced by a new dish on the menu of TV Guide. In American capitalistic society, television syndicates fall over themselves to supply America’s growing addiction. America exists diseased and television functions as the â€Å"Typhoid Mary† that spreads this disease. Americans outraged with the condition of the United States seek to heal America by healing television. Television acts not as the cause of the disorder but as a symptom and a vice of the infection. Until society faces the true culprit in the mirror and own to their part in the decline of a once proud nation, iniquitous debauchery will remain as an untreated, unseen cancer slowly killing America.

Sunday, January 12, 2020

George Reid Andrews Afro Latin America

GEORGE REID ANDREWS: AFRO-LATIN AMERICA In this paper, I would arguer that the history of USA is intertwined with the issue of Blacks – their enslavement and freedom but it has not as yet been focused that this subject has far greater impact in Central and Latin America, thus the greater impact of blacks in Central and Latin America would be the main theme or argument of this paper. This book, Afro-Latin America by George Reid, is the first attempt to focus on this side of the African Diaspora. With remarkable skill George Reid Andrews has woven the history of people who came from Africa to South America – broadly speaking. He traces their path from slavery to freedom and how this in turn left its stamp on the politics, economics and culture of this region. As individuals and as groups they pursued the path towards freedom, equality and acquirement of citizenship by being part of the military, political movements, civic bodies, unions, religious activities and in various cultural streams. The book travels through two centuries and should be of interest in all interested in the past, present and future of Latin America. It is one of the best anthropological accounts of this region. The style is gripping with detailed statement of experiences, of the people of African origin in the former colonies of Spain and Portugal and the stamp of their influence on these parts on all walks of life – society, economics and culture. While the history of the Blacks is well researched and ably presented in USA, it is not so with Latin America where there is still an air of mystery and vacuum. It is ironical that it should be so considering the fact that it has the highest number of Africans residing here outside the African continent (Fagundes 68-78). The book starts with the stunning statement – â€Å"New Census Shows Hispanics now Even with Blacks, the headline proclaimed. Documenting a profound shift in the racial and ethnic composition of American Society, the 2000 census of the United States showed that, as a result of the continuing immigration from Latin America during the 1990s the national Hispanic population had grown by more than 60%. For the first time ever the country’s 35. 3 million Hispanic residents slightly exceeded the black population of 34. million† (Andrews 3). The Blacks and Hispanics are not always distinct groups as is generally thought of. In Latin America blacks comprise a quarter of the population. The â€Å"heart of the New World African Diaspora† (Andrews 3) lies not in the north of the border in USA but in South America. During the slave period ten times more Africans came to Spanish and Portuguese America than to USA. By the close of 1900 the former outnumbered the latter by 3:1 – 22% of the population in Latin America while it was 12% in USA. With immigration, commerce and tourism ties are getting stronger and hence it is necessary to sketch a history of the Latin American African Diaspora as distinct from USA African Diaspora. In this book such an attempt has been made. The term Afro-Latin-American made its debut sometime during the 70s. Hitherto it was Afro-Venezuelans, Afro-Cubans etc. Latin America is the cluster of American countries under the rule of Spain or Portugal from 1500 to 1800 (Madrigal 99-108). There are many other people living in this region – not only those who have come from Africa; there are Indians, Whites, Asians etc. But whether as a minority or majority the Black presence is strong in the field of agriculture and slavery. Blackness has become synonymous with a lower social status leading to a popular mass culture. The proportion of Blacks fell because of neglect disease and death. Also there was more mobility and mixing in the south unlike the rigidity of the north. Black tended to become whiter with material success; the Black became the Pardo or Mulatto. The idea was to bar them from European ancestry privileges (Aguiar 299-308). The book is not about the race as defined scientifically but as used socially. It looks at the issue from two angles – it delves on the multi racial society of Afro-Latin-America and also as the single largest group of Africans who had been uprooted from their original homeland. Whatever the shade of black the author uses the term to refer to that group whose African ancestry is known and recognized. The previous plantation regions of Latin America were shaped irrevocably â€Å"by the presence of Africans and their descendants† (Andrews 284). Hence to understand what it is like today one has to know about the people who carved it to be what it is now. In reacting to the constraints of slavery on the one hand there were the obvious violent actions like running away, revolt, theft and attack while on the other there was a slower but more lasting response like negotiating with the masters, taking into hand speed of work, appealing to courts, forming families and keeping alive African practices (Aguiar 299). Runaway slaves formed communities, black militias and mutual aid societies were formed and the people expressed their feeling through formation of athletic, social and cultural clubs. Soon civic organizations, political parties and newspapers made their debut. It all rolled into the formation of civil rights movement. By the end of 1800 slavery had been abolished in Latin America (Halperin 489-495). Chapter one covers the first years of slavery while in chapters four and five the author tries to explain how the colored communities tried to whiten and blacken themselves in trying to find their identity that would be acceptable to their own community as well as to the Whites against the background of a growing mixed population. Here, there arose a problem. In USA there was a clear cut line dividing the Blacks and Whites. But in Latin America the Afro-Latin people penetrated different layers of society and economy with politics having an influence. Many of the Blacks were free and could not be bracketed with the salves. Europeans, Native Americans and people from the Asia added to the cocktail to make a mixing of blood rarely seen elsewhere. Thus the concept of race no longer remained a scientific issue but related to socio-economic factors (Bizumic 871-899). The biggest influence was felt in the sphere of culture – in dancing, music and religion. Andrew goes into detail saying how initially they were termed as barbaric by the Europeans and then in the 20th century there began a change of attitude when the idea of nationhood took roots. Capoeira, Cndomble and Carnaval are three of the significant cultural expressions that have their roots in the tradition of Africa. There is an underlying belief that Africa is very much throbbing and alive in these modern cultural renditions. Ironically the Europeans have also taken these on and absorbed them in their psyche. The book focuses on these aspects and at the end the reader is left with a feeling that more could have been said. Instead of devoting separate chapters on these themes he has scattered these all through the book. He has focused more on economics and politics. After reading the book there is the feeling that the problems of race are going to be more complex in Latin America than what is going on in USA (Shrestha 113-139). In this sense this book is a good introduction to understand the present to gauge the future. The book however would be rather heavy for the casual reader but it is great for serious thinkers and scholars. The author details the relationship and effect of the coming of the people of Africa to Latin America. There are detailed notes and bibliography to guide the students. It is ideal for all interested in the race factor and the trans-Atlantic slave trade that happened in this part of the world as distinct from USA. Slavery is stressed in USA but the fact is that it existed much earlier in places like Brazil. The book reveals new facts that have so far remained unknown. It will enlighten the reader about the birth of the countries of the western world and the large part the people of African descent had played for it to become what we see today. This book introduces the reader to the history of the Blacks connected with Brazil, Colombia, Cuba, Venezuela, Puerto Rica etc. and supports the thesis that the influence of blacks in the South America is far more greater than that of mainland United States. Works cited Aguiar, Gilberto. Effects of demographic and ethnohistorical factors on average heterozygosities of South Amerindians. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 88. 3, (2000): 299-308. Andrews, George Reid. Afro-Latin America, 1800-2000. NY: Oxford University PressUS, 2004. Bizumic, Boris. A cross-cultural investigation into a reconceptualization of ethnocentrism. European Journal of Social Psychology 39. 6, (2009): 871-899. Fagundes, Nelson. Genetic, geographic, and linguistic variation among South American Indians. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 117. 1, (2002): 68-78. Halperin, Edward. The poor, the Black, and the marginalized as the source of cadavers. Clinical Anatomy, 20. 5, (2007): 489-495. Madrigal, Leo. Ethnicity, gene flow, and population subdivision in Limon, Costa Rica. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 114. 2, (2001): 99-108. Shrestha, Nanda. Black migration at the margin of freedom. International Journal of Population Geography, 9. 2, (2003): 113-139.

Saturday, January 4, 2020

Defects Of Human Nature In William Goldings Lord Of The...

An individual’s behaviour can have a substantial impact on a societys outcome. There is a common notion that humans are nurtured to be peaceful and civil. However, this belief is contradicted by the action of the boys, in William Golding’s, â€Å"Lord of the Flies†. A group of schoolboys are abruptly thrown out of their controlled and civil circumstances into an inhabited tropical island in the middle of the Pacific. The novel is Golding’s attempt to trace the defects of society back to the defects of human nature, by using symbolism to delineate this theme. Golding’s extensive use of symbolism, such as the conch, the signal fire and the painted faces helps demonstrate the defects of society. These symbols are used by Golding to illuminate the†¦show more content†¦Jack stresses that the role of the conch is extraneous. When Jack talks, even though he is not holding the conch, the boys in his tribe still listen. Eventually, most of the boys join Jack’s hunting tribe. In the end, Roger pushed on a lever thatand madelet a huge boulder fall onto Piggy and the conch got destroyed, â€Å"The rock struck Piggy a glancing blow from chin to knee; the conch exploded into a thousand white fragments and ceased to exist.† (Golding, 181). As the substantial power and order of the conch is diminishing, which is indicatinges the breach within the boys has drifted away from their civilized senses and their chance of survival starts to erodinge. As the novel progresses, the power of the conch shell starts to decay, demonstrating the boys movement away from civilization and toward savagery. The longer they were isolated away from society, the less significant the conch becomes, where ultimately the conch was destroyed, taking with it all sense of order from the boys. In addition, the signal fire is a persuasive symbol, establishing the boys connection with the outside world. At the start of the boys’ life on the island, they were all eager to create a signal fire which would represent survival, making it one of their biggest priorities. During their second meeting, Ralph states that they needed to make a signal fire to emit smoke, which will notify possible incoming ships and planes that theyShow MoreRelatedLord of the Flies: World War IIs Impact Essay1064 Words   |  5 PagesLord of the Flies: World War II’s Impact Lord of the Flies by William Golding was influenced strongly by his experiences as a naval officer during World War II. Golding’s wartime service gave him a darker and more realistic look on life, and contributed to the novel’s imagery. As Golding described, World War II woke him up from his falsified beliefs about human nature by showing him the true human condition (â€Å"Lord of the Flies,† Novels 175). 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